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September 8, 2008
Civic Caucus Statement on Constitutional Amendment
for outdoors, water and the arts
A. Summary
Despite its enticing offer of additional revenue
for such worthwhile services as increased protection of the outdoor
environment, cleaner water, and expanded programs for the arts, a
proposed constitutional amendment should be rejected at the November 2008
election.
It
represents an abdication of legislative responsibility; it dangerously reduces
budgetary flexibility; it enhances influence of special interests; it sets a
bad precedent; it can't guarantee what its advocates seek, and its combination
of outdoors, water, and the arts is little more than logrolling.
B. Principles guiding our position
The
proposed amendment is appealing to many salt-of-the-earth, hard-working
Minnesotans. How can anyone be other than proud of our lakes and streams,
our hunting and fishing, our historical sites, our great institutions of
history, theater and the arts? Our respect for supporters of these assets
requires that we clearly delineate the principles and the reasons that we
oppose this amendment.
1. The primary constitutional responsibility of the state
Legislature is to allocate state resources--To effectively allocate
resources, legislators must retain flexibility – the ability to access any
state resource to meet any state need. Whether by statute or constitutional
amendment, when state funds are dedicated to specific purposes by formula,
however worthy those purposes might be, the state as a whole suffers.
Everything proposed by the proposed amendment can be accomplished
by legislation. The amendment demonstrates the impact of a polarized Governor
and Legislature referring controversial questions to the voters, instead of
taking action themselves. Voters ought to insist that the Governor and
Legislature take action, which is why they were elected and what they are paid
to do. Despite the motherhood-and-apple pie nature of the amendment, voters
ought to send lawmakers a strong message to stop hiding behind such measures.
When tax money is dedicated by formula, no spending debate takes
place. There is no evaluation of the value of that spending. "Representation"
becomes a hollow term; one is taxed but with no recourse as to how the
dedicated proportion of one's taxes are spent.
2. In setting budgetary priorities among functions, the Governor
and Legislature need more flexibility, not less.
Lawmakers will face
incredible challenges in juggling revenue sources and spending requests to
balance the state's budget. Carving out a permanent revenue source for a few
select services merely magnifies the problem for the Governor and Legislature
in the future. The amendment creates four new revenue "silos", where funds
must be spent only for certain specified purposes, making it impossible to
adjust priorities as conditions change.
3. The interests of the general public should take precedence
over narrow interests. It's tough enough for the public to follow
priority-setting in the state's general fund. It's almost impossible for the
public to understand, let alone follow, what is going on in dedicated funds.
When special funds are created, and, thereby, removed from the
debate over the state's general fund, they are less likely to attract the
interest of the media. Consequently, public knowledge and interest also will
wane. If history teaches us anything, it is that when transparency is
reduced, dedicated funds come to resemble the private preserve of select
committees and special interest groups. One additional piece of legislation
accentuates the problem. On an assumption that the amendment passes, the
Legislature in 2008 created a body made up only of the interest groups to
recommend how the outdoor heritage fund portion of the amendment should be
spent.
4. We should not tie the hands of future voters and lawmakers
unnecessarily. The amendment itself is inflexible. It would be
immensely difficult, almost insurmountable, to modify or repeal the amendment,
once enacted. First, it would be necessary for the Legislature to call for a
vote of the people to repeal the amendment, an action that would be strongly
opposed by the interests that benefit. Then, of course, a vote of the
people, to be successful, would require a majority of everyone voting at the
election, whether they vote or not.
The amendment would be in existence for 25 years, to June 30,
2034, so, technically, any problem with inflexibility would not extend beyond
that date. However, as the expiration date approaches advocacy groups can be
expected to seek--and very likely, obtain--pledges that the Legislature will
preserve long-standing dedicated funding for outdoors, water and the arts.
For a precedent on the impact of a permanent amendment, we need to
look only to transportation. More than 50 years ago the Legislature proposed
and the voters approved a constitutional amendment that permanently apportions
state gasoline taxes and vehicle license fees among city governments, county
governments, and state government. That amendment today is unchanged, and
unchangeable, as if the transportation needs of the state today are identical
to what they were in the 1950s. Every dime of from these sources must be
apportioned as specified in the 1950s amendment--nine percent to the city
roads, 29 percent to county roads, and 62 percent to state roads.
The Legislature ought to submit amendments to the constitution for
such matters that (a) only can be handled constitutionally--such as changing
the structure of the judiciary or the Legislature itself, or (b) aren't
subject to the need for periodic change, as are revenues and expenditures.
5. Competing state functions ought to have the same starting
line. Granting constitutional preference to one function will merely set a
bad precedent. Groups advocating on behalf of care and education for
the very young, care for the elderly, elementary-secondary education, higher
education, public safety, criminal justice, health care, and others --
urgently needing funds and never satisfied with the outcome -- could well be
expected to follow the precedent of this amendment.
6. Legitimate state functions ought to receive fair treatment
from the Legislature.
We've not conducted an
analysis of the relative financing needs of the beneficiaries of the amendment
versus other state services. We have concentrated our efforts on the unsound
manner by which additional funding is being sought. However, we compared
recent funding levels among state functions and, considering all state revenue
sources, didn't find evidence that outdoors, water and the arts have received
substantially below-average funding relative to other state agencies.
7. Constitutional amendments ought to deliver to voters what
they appear to promise, which is not assured by the current amendment. Supporters
of the amendment don't want new funds simply replacing regular
appropriations. Thus, firm-sounding language in the amendment seems to
promise that the Legislature will set the usual amounts for state agencies and
services, and that amendment dollars will be handled entirely separately, on
top of whatever appropriations are made.
Despite the language, it can be argued that the amendment will not
restrict legislative flexibility. The Legislature will set appropriations at
wherever level it chooses. It might always treat the amendment funds as
something special. But imagine the dynamics of a session facing a
significant deficit. To erase the deficit the Legislature could cut other
general fund appropriations for outdoors, water, and the arts, and use
constitutionally-guaranteed revenue to offset the cuts.
8. Logrolling is inevitable in legislation, but ought not be
the basis of a constitutional amendment-- The game and fish lobby
has worked for over a decade to put a dedicated funding amendment on the
ballot. While we oppose this amendment, we applaud them for their diligence
and honesty. However, the current amendment invalidates the integrity of the
amendment process by throwing in the arts. The arts and the outdoors are two
disparate activities, and voters are denied the opportunity to vote for one
but not the other. The honest approach would have been placing two discrete
amendments on the ballot.
The amendment is not a referendum on whether we like clean water,
good fishing and hunting, and the arts, or even whether we think such services
deserve more support.
This amendment is much more fundamental than that. It's about the
way we want our state governed. Is the state general fund to be adjusted
every biennium by the Governor and Legislature as needs for governmental
services change or is the general fund to be permanently divided--specifically
to hundredths of a percentage point--among competing interests?
It's not easy to match public needs with public
resources. That's why we elect our Governor and Legislature, entrusting them
to listen to the wide range of interests of citizens of this state, and
entrusting them to decide year by year who gets what and how much. Chances
are we'll never be fully satisfied with the results.
C. Background
1. What the amendment provides--Voters
will be asked to approve an amendment to the
Minnesota
constitution at the November 2008 election. The vote to place the amendment
on the ballot was 85-46 in the House and 46-17 in the Senate.
A majority of all persons casting ballots--irrespective of whether
they vote on the amendment or leave it blank--is necessary for approval.
The language of the amendment as it will
appear on the ballot:
"Shall the Minnesota Constitution be amended to dedicate funding to protect
our drinking water sources; to protect, enhance, and restore our wetlands,
prairies, forests, and fish, game, and wildlife habitat; to preserve our arts
and cultural heritage; to support our parks and trails; and to protect,
enhance, and restore our lakes, rivers, steams, and groundwater by increasing
the sales and use tax rate beginning July 1, 2009, by three-eighths of one
percent on taxable sales until the year 2034?"
A state sales tax increase of three-eighths of one percent
represents an additional tax of 37.5 cents on a $100 purchase. The statewide
sales tax, now at 6.5 percent, would increase to 6.875 percent. The sales
tax in five metropolitan area counties (Anoka,
Dakota, Hennepin, Ramsey and Washington), would increase from 6.75 percent to
7.125 percent.
The three-eighths of a penny sales tax would raise an estimated
$300 million annually, according to a group advocating passage of the
amendment. The tax would go into effect on July 1, 2009. It would be
apportioned as follows:
--33 percent in an outdoor heritage fund "to restore, protect, and
enhance wetlands, prairies, forests, and habitat for fish, game and
wildlife."
--33 percent in a clean water fund "to protect, enhance, and
restore water quality in lakes, rivers and streams and to protect groundwater
from degradation." At least five percent of this fund must be spent to
protect drinking water sources.
--14.25 percent in a parks and trails fund "to support parks and
trails of regional or statewide significance."
--19.75 percent in an arts and cultural heritage fund "for arts,
arts education, and arts access and to preserve
Minnesota's
history and cultural heritage."
Revenue deposited in these funds would be appropriated by the
Minnesota Legislature. In an effort to discourage the Legislature's using
the funds to replace other appropriations, the language of the constitutional
amendment states the money "must supplement traditional sources of funding for
these purposes and may not be used as a substitute."
2. A special council is created to recommend use of outdoor
heritage fund--The 2008 Legislature created a special council to make
recommendations to the Legislature on how the outdoor heritage fund would be
appropriated. The Council, to be named the Lessard Outdoor Heritage Council
in honor of former State Sen. Robert Lessard, would have 12 members,
eight-non-legislators and four legislators. The non-legislators would "have
practical experience or expertise or demonstrated knowledge in the science,
policy, or practice of protecting, enhancing wetlands prairies, forests and
habitat for fish, game and wildlife", but could not be registered lobbyists.
The Governor would appoint four non-legislators, and the Senate and House
leadership, two each. The legislative members, appointed by Senate and House
leadership, would include the environmental and natural resource committee
chairs in the House and Senate and one minority party member from each body.
Up to one percent of the outdoor heritage fund (about $1 million
annually) could be used to cover staffing, administrative expenses and
compensation and travel for council members.
No such groups have been set up for the other funds that would be
created by the amendment.
3. History of the amendment--Bills initially introduced in
the 1990s for dedicated funding were first directed to game, fish, and
wildlife habitat, but gradually were expanded to include state parks and
trails, metropolitan and other regional parks, and water quality improvements,
according to a background memo prepared by the research department of the
Minnesota House of Representatives. It wasn't until 2000 that bills began to
be heard in committee. In 2006 the list of beneficiaries of dedicated
funding was expanded to include arts and humanities. The final bill was
approved as a first item of business in the 2008 Legislature.
D. Related Civic Caucus positions--In
2006 the Civic Caucus unsuccessfully opposed a constitutional amendment that
dedicates the motor vehicle sales tax to transit and highways. The Civic
Caucus warned that passage of the transportation amendment could lead to
additional amendment, including the possibility of an amendment to guarantee
revenue to the outdoors. See the Civic Caucus report at:
http://www.civiccaucus.org/ReportTranspAmend_09_06.htm
.
Before the 2008 Legislature convened, when it was increasingly
apparent that lawmakers were poised to pass the outdoors-water-arts amendment,
the Civic Caucus, recommended that the Legislature not submit an amendment
without at least trying to pass legislation first. See
http://www.civiccaucus.org/Report_OutdoorsWAAmend.htm
.
E. The Civic Caucus process--The
Civic Caucus is a non-partisan, tax-exempt, educational organization, with a
unique approach for involving participants. A small core group meets
weekly. (See http://www.civiccaucus.org/bios.htm
for background on members of the core.) Another 1,000 persons participate
on-line. Summaries of weekly meetings are circulated to all participants,
who, in turn, are invited to share their comments and respond to questions.
Those comments and responses are placed permanently on the Civic Caucus
website, http://civiccaucus.org .
The
Civic Caucus occasionally prepares position papers, such as this position
paper on the constitutional amendments. When a position paper is prepared,
the Civic Caucus reviews information provided by thought leaders on the
subject under study. For information from some 20 thought leaders on the
constitutional amendments go to http://www.civiccaucus.org/issuesF4DedicatFunding.html
.
A
first draft is prepared, reviewed and changed by the Civic Caucus core group,
after which it is circulated among on-line participants for their input. The
Civic Caucus makes further changes based on participants' suggestions, and the
report then is approved by the Civic Caucus core group. After approval, the
final report is circulated among the on-line participants, requesting their
signatures in support. Names of supporters then are included in the final
report. Participants' suggestions and comments, pro and con, are placed on
the website adjacent to the final report.
F. Supporters of this statement--The
following individuals agreed to have their names listed in support of this
statement:
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John S. Adams |
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Stephen R. Alderson |
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Donald H. Anderson |
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Ray Ayotte |
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Ann E. Berget |
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Dave Broden |
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Ellen T. Brown |
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Robert J. Brown, former state senator |
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David Carlson |
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Norm Carpenter |
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Charles H. Clay |
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Gary Clements |
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Marianne Curry |
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Jack Davies, former state senator, and Pat Davies |
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Sandra W. Davis, Blake S. Davis |
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Bright Dornblaser |
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Senator Dave Durenberger, Retired |
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Ed Dirkswager |
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John Farrell |
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John R. Finnegan, Sr. |
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Gene Franchett |
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Don Fraser, former member of Congress |
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Robert A. Freeman |
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Bill Frenzel, former member of Congress |
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Debby Frenzel |
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Paul A. Gilje |
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Scott W. Halstead |
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Paul Hauge |
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Roger Heegaard |
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James L. Hetland, Jr. |
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Ruby Hunt |
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Wayne B. Jennings |
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James E. Jernberg |
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Curt Johnson |
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Dennis L. Johnson, LaVonne S. Johnson, Deer River, MN |
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Verne C. Johnson |
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A. M. "Sandy" Keith, former chief judge, Minnesota Supreme Court |
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Sheila Kiscaden, State Senator (retired) |
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Jay Kiedrowski |
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Joseph Lampe |
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Dan Loritz |
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Charles P. Lutz |
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Robert P. Mairs |
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Tim McDonald |
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Richard McGuire |
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Malcolm McLean |
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John W. Mooty |
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John C. Nowicki |
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Sally Olsen |
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Jim Olson |
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Carolyn Ring |
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John Rollwagen |
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Steve Rothschild |
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John E. Sampson |
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Royce
Sanner |
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Ann and
Larry Schluter |
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Ray Schmitz |
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Clint Schroeder |
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Lyall A. Schwarzkopf |
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Clarence Shallbetter |
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Tony Solgard |
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David M. Strom |
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Tom H. Swain |
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Roy L. Thompson |
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Rod Tietz |
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Steve Tjeltveit |
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Jim Weaver |
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Craig Westover |
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Bob Whereatt |
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Robert J. White |
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Frank Wright, retired journalist |
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